State should enlist Somalis among 2014 resolutions

In 2011, Kenyan troops took the anti-terrorism war into Somalia. Kenyan Somalis have been victims of terrorism

When I started working, even before I got my first pay, I acquired my first jacket from a Somali trader. But this could not just pass as any other acquisition. It was the only way I retained my maiden teaching job, for it required one to dress formally, in a suit. 

It was not only the pocket-friendly prices that earned Rashid Omar loyal customers amongst Makindu residents, but also his allowing customers, even first time customers, acquire stuff and pay for them later at their paces. How could he just trust us? From the ingenuity and resilience of this trader one could hardly tell that he belonged to the most marginalized community in Kenya. 

None of the Kenyan communities has experienced half the suffering that the Somalis have gone through. Kenyan Somalis have been marginalized for decades. Only for the world to train its cameras there when famine wrecks havoc in their midst, or terrorists kill and abduct residents of Garissa, Wajir.

Explaining this state of affairs is deep-seated suspicion, engineered and let to brew for eons. British colonialists feared that dealing with Kenyan Somalis would pose administrative challenges. This constituency could become slippery, and easily ebb into Somaliland, they opined.  Ever since, Kenyan Somalis have been discriminated against. 

Today, Kenyan Somalis pass as dubious, foreigners, and terrorists. That it is relatively difficult for Somalis to acquire national identification documents complicates the maze. Desperate to enroll for social services, and register businesses, those who are capable result to bribing authorities to acquire these essential documents. 

Paradoxically, this marginalization by the state peaked immediately Kenya became independent from its colonial masters in the 1960s. In 1984, the government of the day oversaw the beating, raping and killing of over 5000 Somalis in what became the Wagalla Massacre. Chilling survivor stories in Mohammed Adow’s Not Yet Kenya posit that Kenyan authorities tossed bodies of the Somalis who succumbed the gory atrocities into Tana River. None of the successive regimes has shown any resolve to recognize Somalis as Kenyans enough. 

Kenyatta’s administration effectively thwarted the miniature efforts to serve justice on the Somalis gained during the Kibaki regime. It is common knowledge that the editing and shelving of the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) Report spells doom for any prospects of serving justice to the perpetrators of the Wagalla Massacre. The international community has not been helpful, either.  

IGAD, often bragging as the institution solely responsible for ensuring that Somalis remain on the global map, has had nothing to show for championing for the cause of the Somalis. The clamor by Ambassador Mahmoud Maalim, IGAD’s Executive Secretary in a Nairobi forum in November that IGAD is committed to ensuring peace and stability in Somali flies in the face of the reality on the ground. Just like IGAD, the global community has been consistent in scapegoating Somalis for insecurity and terrorism, a precursor for collective punishment. 

Imposition of the Hawala system by the United States and other Western bigwigs is the height of the affliction of the Somalis. The wisdom behind this ban in international money transfer is that Somalis living in diaspora are the financiers of terrorism. How careless!

Drawing the line between terrorism and a community is a no brainer. In fact, Somalis have become the greatest victims of terrorism activities in the region. Not so long ago, a grenade hurled at bus in Pangani, Nairobi left seven people dead, four of them Somalis. But the world would stop at nothing to use the thickest of brushes to tar Somali, justifying the imposition of collective punishment. 

Just like denying Somalis national identity cards and branding them terrorists, taming the transfer of funds to the ubiquitous Somali families located in Somalia, and Kenya, for instance, the world is uniting in ensuring that future Somali generations do not acquire education. Under development in North Eastern Kenya greets travelers. 

Naturally, this turn of events breeds anger and frustration among ordinary Somali folk, scholars, diplomats, journalists and politicians. Telling from the ensuing antagonism, things are no longer rosy. When, for instance, Dr. Ibrahim Farah of the University of Nairobi describes the AU mission in Somali as a “proliferation of mafia groups,” it is clear that all is not well.  

In a recent forum in Nairobi, Mymunah Mohamed, a Somali entrepreneur felt that the current Somali leadership is to blame for complacency. Mohamed is not alone. More Kenyan Somalis support the thesis that Somalis are to blame for their woes. Emerging from this is that the problem facing the Kenyan Somali is amorphous and calls for concerted efforts.  Ironically, having Somali leaders in leading coalitions does little to ameliorate the state of the Kenyan Somali.

If the Kenyatta administration is determined to bring social harmony in Kenya, its 2014 resolution should be serving justice to the Kenyan Somalis. To make this happen, the state should encourage efforts that go into reversing the suspicion on the Somalis. It could start by allowing more Somalis to sit in the committees steering the LAPPSET project. 

Among the most sustainable ways of taming terrorism is by taking Kenyan Somalis onboard. Judging from its geographical spread on a cultural watershed, this community can be resourceful as a human barrier, and through community policing, wade off insurgents infiltrating through the precarious Kenya-Somalia border. However, this anti-terror approach cannot work when suspicion against the Kenyan Somalis reigns. Failure to address injustice amongst Somalis, the Kenya government is setting a dangerous precedence.  

Meanwhile, according to Adow, Kenyan Somalis are learning a lot from their kin in Somalia. For instance, they are learning to become more aggressive.  One can only hope that this translates into the acquisition of rare business acumen and resilience exhibited by Rashid Omar as he transverses the dusty sunbaked Makindu market, carrying with him loads of apparel, jewelry and perfumery.  

When will you graduate?

On my graduation, scores keep asking 'when will you graduate?' Photo credit @abdu

When will you graduate?

Even as universities warm to the last round of graduation ceremonies this calendar year, scores will keep their fingers on the list of graduands. 

Those who know that I am a Moi University alumnae will certainly be interested to see me graduate. Unfortunately, their anticipation will fade in askance, fertilizing the question ‘when will you graduate?’

To me, this question has become creepier than Utahama lini?, an adage on a popular real estate advert on Kenyan media. 

But then what other question, in my case, would have been more apt? None.

 I have been in college for the last 10 years. How could I just own up that I dropped out of college somewhere in between? I have been lying about it, albeit skimpily.

Currently, I am enrolled for a Masters program. Next year, I will be graduating with a second bachelor’s degree. I was among the handful of the University of Nairobi Bsc. Physics and Mathematics graduates who bagged a Second Class Upper Division. And all.

This would obviously attract congratulatory messages, and scorn, in equal measures.  “You are strong, man,” someone would go, parting on my shoulders, to a non-reciprocating self.

Prospective employers, in accord, have been instrumental in reminding me that I need to graduate ASAP. 


And friends, relatives who could not bear it all. Lets blame the ignominious embarrassment that comes with hanging around liars, losers. What else could explain the falling by the way side of at least 10 Twitter followers following the going live of this campaign?.  

But the concerns of this growing constituency, doubting my anomalous stay at the university, are understandable. They effectively magnify the despair in the air. 

When will you graduate?

Sandal recall move by Woolworths is worth emulating

Woolworths recalled one of its sandals. Product recalls shows a firm's commitment to trading sustainably. Photo credit: gurdian.com

Not so long ago, something very interesting has happened. Woolworths Holdings Limited recalled one of its products in the market. Through an advert on the dailies, the South African retail store with stakes in the Kenyan market, reached out to its customers who could have brought a particular brand of sandals from its stores to return the same, and get their money back.

Woolworths’ move epitomizes the multinational's commitment to trading ethically. 

Product recalls are a common feature in First World economies. Firms that are conscious of their social responsibility do not hesitate to recall products they suspect could compromise on this consciousness.  In January 2013, General Motors recalled over 13000 of its Chevrolet brands to rework on their airbag suspension systems. In 2010, Toyota recalled over 2.3 million cars, including RAV-4s and Lexus HS-250hs, after it discovered that they had faulty acceleration systems. 

But why do firms take all this route?

Organizations use product recalls to endear themselves to their current and potential customers. To redeem favorable brand image, these organizations recall the flawed products and rework them. A bold move, product recalling goes a notch higher than apologizing and reiterates the firm’s commitment to ensuring their responsibility. 

Sometimes, consumer protection organizations enforce products recalls. In worst case scenarios, product recalls in such cases end up in withdrawals. By responding to genuine concerns by customers and stakeholders, firms safeguard themselves from potential liabilities that could result from negligence. 

Importantly, product recalls reaffirm the commitment that organizations have to the needs of their customers. In the Woolworths recall, the retailer purposed to ensure that customers do not suffer injuries and discomfort inflicted on protruding metal parts on the sandals. Genuine customer care. Perhaps this is what organizations running on strategies of yonder do not value. 

What else could explain the dissonance in the complaints and product recall rates in the Kenyan market, for instance?

Cognizant of the need to perform well, indigenous Kenyan organizations should emulate the recent move by Woolworths Holdings Limited. By developing the culture of recalling faulty products, these firms will benefit from customer loyalty and become highly competitive.

Pros and cons of living on campus

When Stephen Kimei landed at Kisii University, the first indication that he was home was a Facebook update in which he bemoaned his experience with a lousy room acquisition system. This only lasted for day one.

 Thanks to the TV room at Manotti Hall, he could now watch his favorite Chelsea Football Club trounce other EPL minnows. 

College and university students often recount their experiences in campus. One such experience is the excitation that comes with owning keys to the hostel room. Finally, I am on my own in deciding when and how to sleep, students would say, albeit intuitively. There are more benefits of residing on campus. 

Students residing on campus access a plethora of facilities. “In campus, there is relative security against outsiders, free electricity and water,” opined Williams Magunga, 22, a law student at the University of Nairobi. Kimei, 20, a Bachelor of Education sophomore, echoes similar sentiments:  “When you stay within, you enjoy access to library services, entertainment opportunities, and subsidized food.” 

Cost incentives motivate students to reside on campus. “A plate of ugali and kale goes for 10 shillings at the mess,” offered Kimei, extolling the pricing regime for food on campus as friendly to students of diverse economic backgrounds. 

According to Magunga, residing on campus benefits students socially. “You see, you live together and interact on a daily basis. The closeness is a recipe for socialization- boys amongst themselves, boys and girls, and girls amongst themselves too.” 

However, not every student resides on campus. The nature of the program and the availability of boarding facilities sometime influence this fate. Some students detest residing in campus. 

“To me, residing on campus is never ever! This is a classic immortalization of the distasteful high school boarding culture. Freedom denied. Period,” opines Valary Ochieng, a Moi University journalism student.

Ochieng believes that new comers pick bad habits while residing on campus, something that Kimei counters. “Our hostels accommodate students in the same year of study, ruling out any possibilities of bad influence.”

KDF should revise its recruitment policy

Ms. Gladys Jepkechei Tarus displays a medical report confirming that she was not pregnant. KDF should revise its recruitment policy

While the Kenya Defense Forces, KDF, received scathing attacks over its Westgate performance, something else passed unnoticed. Ms. Gladys Jepkechei Tarus attempted to join the military in vain, for the third time. Combined, these recent developments justify the need for KDF to revise its recruitment policy. 

Gladys Tarus has been attempting to join KDF since 2010. She did. Only to be ejected from the Recruit Training School RTS and sent to her parent’s Baringo Central home. Scores rubbished as unfounded claims by KDF that Gladys, failed a pregnancy test. Legislators faulted this move by KDF to terminate the dreams of Ms. Tarus. 

Undeterred, Gladys went ahead and attempted her luck with the military in 2011. She was not picked. In 2012, she tried her luck with Kenya Wildlife Service, and failed. KDF claimed that the 23-year-old Gladys did not meet the academic requirement to join the army when they dismissed her attempt on Monday, 14 October 2013. 

It does not take a pundit to wonder how in 2010, Ms. Tarus sailed all through to the RTS. Besides, the contradiction on the medical report that KDF claimed that Tarus was pregnant and several independent tests ordered by legislators was suspicious. Then in 2013, the same academic results that earned Ms. Tarus admission at the RTS soon became inadequate. 

Scores of young Kenyans go through these ordeals every time KDF runs recruitment drives. Youths who are passionate about defending their country by enlisting in the army end up disillusioned when they mysteriously miss these opportunities. Stories are told in hushed tones of how relatives of senior government and military officials easily acquire positions in KDF. 

Sons and daughters of influential people, the stories go, do not even participate in tedious field events during the recruitment drive. Instead, they appear during the final phase of the recruitment drive where selected candidates are certified to join RTS. Once there, this caliber of recruits, according to stories, is very lazy and uncooperative. Oftentimes, they sneak out of RTS, KDF. For good. 

Perhaps this hints on the lacklustre performance of KDF. After Al-Shabaab attacked Nairobi’s Westgate Shopping Mall, KDF has been fighting intense imbroglio. KDF’s lack of strategy for combating the terrorists, looting, and possible killing of elite General Service Unit official, fly in the face of basic expectations on the military. 

The case of Gladys Tarus and KDF’s inertia explains this complacency. 

With all honesty, I am ignorant on military science. I learnt about FIBUA, military jargon for indoor fighting, not so long ago when Roy Gachuhi interviewed Lieutenant-General (rtd) Humphrey Njoroge. Nevertheless, I know everything about organizational behavior.

Passionate employees are highly productive. Having passionate employees on board requires fewer resources in management. When employers call for job seekers who can work under minimum supervision, they have in mind passionate employees. Importantly, passionate employees are innovative. 

In the military, innovation is critical. Although lower cadre soldiers are not involved in making strategic decisions, they need to be innovative. An innovative soldier stands high chances of enabling the success of the larger unit for instance during phalanx formation. Tarus exudes determination that yields and sustains this passion.  

Concentrating on endurance alone may not provide KDF with dedicated employees. Instead, going for candidates like Gladys Tarus who has towered high in temerity even when rejected thrice, can. Potential candidates chicken out when they learn that they are supposed to part with 150 000 Shillings payable to the District Officer, to secure a chance in the forces.  

Perhaps KDF recruitment policy does not give room for a candidate who does not oil the recruitment system. And threatens to embarrass the military top brass by earning the sympathy of the media, politicians and human rights defenders.  Perhaps for these reasons, Gladys Tarus will never get a chance to pursue her dream career in the military.

Nigeria’s Obasanjo urges leaders to publish books

Raila Odinga. Olusegun Obasanjo urged African leaders to emulate Odinga and publish books. Photo credit: Niaje.com

Former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo today urged African leaders to consider publishing books on their experiences in power.  

 

Speaking during the launch of Flames of Freedom, Raila Odinga’s autobiography in Nairobi’s Kenyatta International Conference Centre, Obasanjo said that by chronicling their experiences while in power, leaders contribute a lot to the betterment of humanity.

“You deprive the future generation a lot when you refuse to write a book,” he said, before urging Charles Njonjo in particular to rescind his hardliner stance on writing an autobiography. 

Njonjo, Kenya’s first Attorney General, had earlier said that he had toyed with the idea of writing a book for some time, before deciding to abandon the idea altogether. 

Obasanjo, whose full names are Oluṣẹgun Mathew Okikiọla Arẹmu Ọbasanjọ, is a cherished scholar and a democracy enthusiast. A career soldier, Obasanjo was Nigeria’s military ruler between 1976 and 1979 before he became a democratically elected president between 1999 and 2007. An avid reader, Obasanjo has seven books to his name. 

He told of a story of a Nigerian Attorney General he tried persuading to write an autobiography, and how this leader kept avoiding his persuasion. One day, the government official owned that he was afraid of writing a book, for the establishment would jail him for betrayal, Obasanjo explained. 

Not even the promise by Obasanjo that the manuscript was to wait until the first African Attorney General was out of office before going to bed convinced the official to write a book, he added. At this point, the exemplary orator offered that leadership and sacrifice are inseparable. 

Obasanjo described his host as good father and husband, attributes that he said lack in most African leaders. Raila sacrificed his own life for the wellbeing of Kenya, Obasanjo said, and mentioned the promulgation of a new constitution in 2010 as the fruit of this struggle. 

Flames of Freedom, a publication of Mountain Top Publishers, is Odinga’s memoir that captures his growing up, family life, as well as business and political careers. It peaks at his political career as Kenya’s Prime Minister under President Mwai Kibaki’s helm. 

“Writing a book requires discipline, courage and integrity,” said Obasanjo, as if preempting Odinga’s experiences in writing. In 2006, through Babafemi Badejo, Odinga published Enigma in Kenyan Politics.

 

“While in prison, I used to write on exercise books,” said Odinga. “They confiscated all the exercise books when I was set free, promising to send them to me. I haven’t gotten them back up to this day,” he explained.

Speaking during the event, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, Kenya’s Vice President during Kibaki's reign, intimated that Flames of Freedom had reinvigorated his desire to write an autobiography.